Why We Don't Vote

NY Vote Lowest of 50 States,

Major Races Noncompetitive,,

Politics Disillusions the Public




Every now and then, a story appears on an inside page of a newspaper which deserves more attention than it receives.

Tuesday's New York Times published an article by veteran reporter Sam Roberts. The headline on pA28: NEW YORK STATE'S VOTER TURNOUT THIS YEAR WAS LOWEST IN U.S. The lede:

"Despite contests for every statewide office for the first time in decades, a smaller share of eligible voters turned out two weeks ago in New York than in any other state. New York turnout was lower than in any midterm election for at least three decades.

"On the basis of unofficial returns, about 40 per cent of registered New Yorkers voted on Nov. 2. But an analysis by the United States Election Project at George Mason University [in Fairfax, Virginia] found that only 32.1 percent of the 13.4 million who were eligible – citizens 18 and older who are not convicted felons – actually voted...

"New York ranked among the 10 lowest states for turnout in 2006 and 2008, but until this year it was not at the bottom."

A number of academics offered theories to the Times: "'Mostly, I suspect that uncompetitive elections is the main cause,'" said Michael P. McDonald, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and a professor at George Mason. 'There are other factors at play, too: the state has been slow to adopt more convenient voter registration and early voting options...'

"Larry J. Sabato, director of the University of Virginia’s Center for Politics, agreed. 'New York Republicans nominated arguably the weakest ticket in the nation, especially with two Senate seats and the governorship at stake,' Dr. Sabato said. 'None of the top three G.O.P. candidates was taken seriously. The amazing thing is that the G.O.P. captured at least five House seats – but, then, the party was at a historic low in Congress and had nowhere to go but up.'"

OUR OBSERVATIONS:

We see three specific factors as depressing the turnout in New York State in 2010.

1. Noncompetitive races. There was no doubt that the Democratic candidates for the two senate seats and the governorship would be elected. Therefore no one could believe that his/her vote would make a difference.

2. Widespread disillusionment with state government. The legislature has been known for years as the most dysfunctional in America. It's antics in 2009 and 2010 were deplorable. Some of its members belong in jail.

3. The last two governors have been enormously disappointing for widely different reasons. Their predecessor governed poorly and without imagination, courage or fiscal responsibility, but maintained the facade of propriety and regularity.

Although the three top Republican candidates were extremely weak (Townsend and DioGuardi for Senator and Paladino for Governor), the two down-ballot state-wide candidates (Dan Donovan for Attorney General and Harry Wilson for Comptroller) did much better. Wilson lost by about 102,000 votes in what was the closest of the state-wide contests.

The Republican state chair, Edward Cox, promoted a viable candidate for governor, Steve Levy, the Suffolk County executive, who switched parties in 2010 to become a Republican. Levy was very popular in Suffolk, one of the state's most populous counties. In 2007 he was endorsed by all five legal parties (D, R, C, I and WF) and received 96.1% of the vote. The balance was shared by the Integrity Party candidate (2.5%) and the Libertarian nominee (1.3%).

Levy's candidacy was derailed, however, by Republican county leaders around the state, who chose Rick Lazio as the party's candidate, and denied Levy permission to enter the Republican primary. Lazio had lost to Hillary Rodham Clinton for the Senate in 2000 by over 825,000 votes (55 to 43, with 2% scattered among six minor party candidates). He was regarded as a sure loser against Andrew Cuomo. Lazio had received $40,000,000 for his Senate race, but that was from people who disliked Hillary, not from his own devotees. His fundraising results in 2010 were minimal, compared to the eight-figure treasury Andrew Cuomo had amassed. While Cuomo was gaining praise for his work as Attorney General, Lazio was employed as a lobbyist for J. P. Morgan, although he took a leave to run for governor.

Lazio's weakness was demonstrated by his 62-38 loss to Carl Paladino, a more colorful and authentic advocate of anti-government attitudes. The large margin surprised observers and pollsters, but Paladino's intemperate language, ignorance of public issues, implicit threats of violence (carrying a bat), and an attempted assault on a reporter caused substantial erosion of his support. Many people concluded that he was emotionally unsuited to be governor of New York State. After the Spitzer and Paterson debacles, voters placed new value on stability, sound judgment, good temper, and the ability to work with other people.

THE LESSONS OF HISTORY -- THE UNIQUE POLITICS OF THE STATE OF ALASKA

The overwhelming problem facing Governor-elect Cuomo will be the nine billion dollar looming deficit in the state budget, surpassed only by California's deficit. The new Congress is likely to be far less sympathetic to the cities than the lame duck 111th Congress. I remember as a child hearing President Truman denounce the "do nothing 80th Congress", which was elected in 1946. Both houses went Republican, and John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon were among the freshmen. At that time, politicians crossed the country in railroad cars, on whistle-stop tours, with the train stopping at numerous stations in small towns for brief remarks by the candidate, who was photographed with local dignitaries for the press.

Truman surprised the public, the press and particularly the pollsters by winning in 1948, so there is hope for Obama in 2012. However, Truman exemplified American attitudes, even in his weaknesses. In the end, his persona was deemed preferable to that of New York's governor Thomas Dewey. But that was when the Solid South was Democratic (except for Strom Thurmond, who carried four states as a Dixiecrat) and the country was far from what it is today.

The lesson we can draw from this that political situations can change rapidly, like weather on the prairie. Look at Senator Lisa Murkowski, defeated in a Republican Senate primary in Alaska when she was on the ballot, and nine weeks later elected to the Senate as a write-in, the first since Mr. Thurmond won 56 years ago in South Carolina.

Ms. Murkowski's route to the Senate was quite unusual. She was a member of the Alaska House of Representatives in the fall of 2002 when her father, Senator Frank Murkowski, was elected Governor of Alaska. Upon taking office, he realized that his resignation from the Senate had created a vacancy, and after due consideration, he appointed his daughter Lisa to fill the seat.

She was sworn in on December 20, 2002 as the most junior senator, her term overlapping by two weeks the service of the longest serving senator in United States history, who retired at the age of 100 on January 3, 2003, a Mr. Thurmond.

Governor Murkowski incurred public displeasure for appointing his daughter to a vacancy he created, and a state referendum was held to limit the governor’s power to the appointment of a temporary senator, who would hold office only until a special election was held to fill the vacancy. Although Lisa was elected to a full six-year Senate term in 2004, to which she was just re-elected by write-in, her father Frank was not so fortunate when his term expired.

Seeking re-election as governor in 2006, Frank was defeated in the Republican primary by the mayor of Wasilla, Alaska (2000 pop. 5469; 2008 est. pop. 10,256), one Sarah Palin. She resigned as governor on July 26, 2009 to pursue other objectives in business, entertainment and public service.

The Book of Andrew

Cuomo's Plan for New York:

Restore Trust, Accountability

Our article Friday evening predicted some reform positions Andrew Cuomo was likely to take when he announced his candidacy for governor.

We were pleased and surprised Sunday to read of his support for the entire reform agenda, and his intention to ask candidates for the legislature to commit themselves to his proposals. It is more productive to seek promises from candidates than from incumbents.

The idea of starting a campaign with a 224-page book of proposals is both novel and striking. It lays out an agenda for action in many areas which is unprecedented. It dwarfs the research efforts of other candidates. It shows that his people are familiar with, and have proposals to deal with, long-standing issues.

To those of us who follow state politics, the news appears too good to be true. But only time will tell how much impact a strong governor will have on the dysfunctional legislature. Our high hopes four years ago at the inauguration of Eliot Spitzer were dashed by the convergence of Spitzer's arrogance, intransigence and vulgarity.

David Paterson was overwhelmed both by his own errors and indecision, and by defenders of the status quo who did not share his goals. Cuomo, if he is elected, will be the third governor in a row to attempt to govern in fact as well as under the law. The first two sadly failed.

We will watch and wait. The hopes of civic organizations, reformers and good government groups ride with candidate Cuomo and his promises. Some of his proposals can be implemented directly by the governor. Others require legislative approval. We believe that Cuomo means what he says. We hope that he has the strength and courage to carry out the reform program he is supporting.

There is substance as well in his plans; no new taxes, a freeze on state employees' salaries, fiscal responsibility, consolidation of agencies and downsizing of government. One practice that should end is the imposition of unfunded legislative mandates on cities and counties. Another is the adoption of pension sweeteners by the legislature after unions have bargained collectively and reached agreements with local governments.

New York State was once a leader in government. Laws first passed here were adopted in other states. We were a national model. In the last decade, however, state government has fallen into disrepute. The culture in Albany today is one of favoritism and greed. The legislature has been accurately described as the most dysfunctional in the United States. The Senate is a house of anarchy and the Assembly a house of tyranny, although its members voluntarily submit.

2010 offers an opportunity for change. We cannot wait until January 2011 for "Day One. Everything Changes." We must think of Day One as May 22, the day the Cuomo crusade was launched.? We will get a sense how much he can accomplish even before the election.

The first major decision will be the choice of a candidate for Lieutenant Governor. We do not believe a background in politics should be a prerequisite for this position. Neither should it be a disqualification. The choice should not be made primarily on the basis of gender, ethnicity or geography, although those factors should not be ignored. One factor which was not apparently considered in 2006 was the ability of the candidate to govern, in the event his/her services in that role should be required.

In the recent past, governors have not had much luck in filing this position on the ballot. One lieutenant governor, Al DelBello resigned in the middle of his term because he felt he had nothing to do.? Two others, Mary Anne Krupsak and Betsy McCaughey (Ross) became alienated from their governors and ran against them.? Both women lost.

For this year, Cuomo may be seeking a different kind of nominee.? If he does so, it would be wise.

Ken Lovett of the Daily News reported Sunday: "A source close to Cuomo seemed to send [a] signal last week when he [said], 'This will not be a political pick.? It's about whether this person has competence and integrity and whether he or she is ready to be governor if something should happen.'"

If Lovett's source is correct, that would be good news.? It would also set a precedent in the selection of a lieutenant governor.? By the time you read this, the choice will be made and may have become public.? It will be the first test of Andrew Cuomo's judgment and the qualities he values.?? All New Yorkers should join us in hoping for the best.

THE UPRISING CONTINUES

On a parallel track of seeking pledges of support, Sam Roberts reported in today's Times on the activities of New York Uprising: GROUP FOR IMPROVING ALBANY SENDS PLEDGES TO CANDIDATES.? His lede: ?

"A civic coalition seeking to improve how Albany governs is asking incumbents and candidates for state office this year to pledge publicly to back strict fiscal controls on state spending, stronger ethics and financial disclosure regulations, and a nonpartisan system for drawing legislative and Congressional districts.

"The coalition, called New York Uprising, will not formally endorse candidates, but will publicly recognize those who signed with 'a sign of approval'?

"Former Mayor Edward I. Koch, who was instrumental in creating the coalition, said he believed those who signed would honor their commitment. If they renege, Mr. Koch said, 'we will be hounding them.'"

StarQuest #672 05.24.2010 897wds